Ramush Haradinaj, the former Kosovo Prime Minister and leader of the opposition Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (ABK) said (19.03) that his party would support a no-confidence vote against Albin Kurti’s Government.
“I spoke with former Prime Minister and President of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) Isa Mustafa about the no-confidence motion against Kurti’s government. I told Mustafa that the ABK would vote for the proposal because Kurti’s government would not only be short-lived, but also the most damaging government for Kosovo. ABK supports a swift decision after the government collapses”, Haradinaj said after a meeting at the LDK headquarters.
After that, Isa Mustafa also spoke with Fatmir Limaj, leader of the Social-Democratic Initiative of Kosovo who as Haradinaj, is a former military commander in the KLA from the 1998-99 conflict.
LDK Secretary Arban Abrashi said later on that his party would inform the US it would leave the “anti-American government of Prime Minister Albin Kurti as soon as possible”.
In the meantime, Haradinaj MPs were collecting signatures for the no-confidence motion. They need 40 signatures in order for the proposal to be tabled at a session of the 120-member Kosovo Parliament and the support of 61 MPs for the no-confidence vote to succeed.
Following the definite loss of parliamentary elections by the current opposition, the present actions to overthrow the newly elected government are logically consistent.
Haradinaj’s statement that “ABK supports a swift decision after government collapses” can only mean one thing, that using the corona virus situation, they have negotiated a crisis government with the chairman of the LDK, which would be led by Mustafa and backed by ABK and SDI.
However, this desire to quickly discredit Albin Kurti, as an immature politician and incompetent Prime Minister, is confronted with opposing trends and processes which run concurrently in Kosovo society and the international community.
First, Kosovo Albanians have made it clear in the recent elections that they want a change and do not see in the face of the current political elite, coming mostly from former KLA commanders, the capabilities of making Kosovo a normal and recognized by the world country.
Although the LDK is a coalition partner of “Self-determination” in the government, it is not even given the usual 100 days to enter the office and stabilize the government. In doing so, the LDK defines itself as part of the country’s unchanging political elite, while Kurti won the election precisely by his desire to replace the political elite, stating strongly “stop the corruption and crime, rule of law”, which the Kosovo voters liked.
Former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj is still in the process of investigation of his activities during the 1998-1999 conflict by The Hague tribunal and the charges against him are still pending. Similar cases are pending against other former KLA commanders.
The 100% tax on goods from Serbia and BiH (Republika Srpska), which was criticized by Brussels and Washington, was introduced precisely by the Haradinaj government, and so far ABK’s representatives have opposed any intention of canceling it, qualifying it as treason.
Last but not least, the LDK’s allegations that the Kurti government is “anti-American” are far too exaggerated. No influential international factor has so far removed his trust from Kurti and his government. Not being invited to Washington is a warning as to what direction his government should take in order to normalize Belgrade-Pristina relations.
In order to survive on the political scene, Kurti should take urgent action both domestically and internationally: to make every effort to deal with the coronavirus epidemic and mobilize Kosovo society in that regard, and to show a clear desire to normalize relations with Belgrade, as a first step of good will could be the abolition of 100% tax on Serbian goods.
Otherwise, Kosovo will enter another government crisis and a new spiral of political instability with the prospect of postponing a lasting solution to Kosovo internationally with all the resulting from this risks for the Western Balkans region.